Tsimshian culture a light through the ages free download

Robert Preucel. A short summary of this paper. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. Today, Native American objects are reclaiming new voice. Many art museums are adopting more inclusive approaches to representational practice and are engaging with Issue— 8 Native American peoples and objects in new ways.

These approaches are fostering exciting conversations about the intersections of European and Native American ontologies and aesthetics. Museum Works of Art Fund We have been identifying the objects and making exhibition as well as digital and archival recommendations.

Many of the items are donations from alum- ni and often do not have detailed provenience. A group of eighty-seven objects, however, were acquired in as part of an exchange with the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation.

The Heye Foundation was founded in as a prominent research institution focusing on the American Indian, and its collections now comprise the core of the National Museum of the American Indian nmai in Washington, D. We contacted Ann McMullen, a curator at the nmai and head of collec- Spring tions research, who provided us with a complete set of documentation for the Heye Foundation objects. George Gustav Heye was a New York banker who became enamored of Native American material culture and formed a vast archaeological and ethnological collection that he housed in his museum at Audubon Terrace in the Bronx [Fig.

Waterman, and D. These collectors specialized in the material culture of specific tribal groups. Navy lieuten- the American Indian. New York City, A small subset of the nmai objects have been repatriated to the Tlingit tribes and Native Alaskan corporations under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act nagpra of It is a special kind of headdress known as a frontlet, and is used by several different Northwest Coast peoples.

Today, frontlets are worn at traditional events as well as public dance celebrations, such as the biennial celebration program sponsored by the Sealaska Heritage Institute. The RISD frontlet is a rectangular wooden plaque with primary and secondary figures in the center and abalone shell inlay around the edges. General Promotion. Game Menu.

General Sage of Empires. Read More. Civilizations Rus. Norman Campaign Age of Empires IV takes players on a journey through the ages as they command influential leaders, build expansive kingdoms, and fight some of the most critical battles of the Middle Ages. Hundred Years War Ravaged by years of English raiding, France must gather its might to resist the onslaught. The Mongol Empire Under the unifying rule of Genghis Khan, warring Mongolian tribes came together and forged the largest contiguous land empire the world has ever known.

You know, but these three [communities] were really close. We would all use the same language. And, we shared the resources there.

Kitsumkalum has always been intimately connected to its other Tsimshian tribes through marriages, adoptions, and the sharing of resources in their common grounds. Kitsumkalum has always been an active participant within the larger Tsimshian Nation. The following are examples of Kitsumkalum participating as an integral part of the Tsimshian Nation:.

In , the Tsimshian chiefs and Principle Men sent a letter to the government of British Columbia to assert our claims. According to this letter of claim from the Tsimshian chiefs and Principle Men, Kitsumkalum is one of the Tsimshian peoples, therefore sharing fully in the heritage that exists throughout Tsimshian territory. In more recent times, our role within the Tsimshian Nation has been profound.

Kitsumkalum was a member in good standing of the Council of the Tsimshian Nation and its successor, the Tsimshian Tribal Council. In fact, these two organizations received important leadership from our members. Kitsumkalum was an important member of the CTN. The CTN officially selected the name to be an accurate categorization of all these communities.

The statement identified specific territories for each tribe and also territories held in common by all the tribes. Again, the TTC chose a name that would accurately categorize the relationship of the member communities, and Kitsumkalum was an active member.

Kitsumkalum has always been an integral part of the Tsimshian Nation. Dating back to and the reserve creation process, Kitsumkalum was continuously recorded as Tsimshian. As a Tsimshian tribe, Kitsumkalum has, and still, enjoys the responsibility for care and use of the common Tsimshian grounds. Kitsumkalum people are not marginal to Tsimshian society; we are central in many ways. Throughout history, written and oral, we have proven our community to be a key player in Tsimshian society.

We were part of the 19th century land disputes, a source of cultural information for the early ethnographers, active in early land claims conferences throughout the province and delegations to government, influential in the founding of the Native Brotherhood, major contributor to the success of Port Essington, and instrumental in the founding of the recent and current Tsimshian political bodies and land claims movement.

Prince Rupert Harbour and the shorelines enclosing it were, at the time of contact and as of , common areas for the Tsimshian to use. The Tsimshian Nation used and occupied these areas to the exclusion of all others.

These lands, waters and resources sustained us and were central to what it means to be Tsimshian. Further, it is essential to recognize that Tsimshian law, ayaawx , provides for the recognition of common areas and allows social groups to claim exclusive use and occupation of specific residential areas along the shore.

Each of the tribes had its traditional stretch of beach upon which it camped. Gradually the members of each house or group of related houses laid claim to particular locations where they had camped for successive years and where they built their plank and brush camp structures. There is sufficient support for understanding the Prince Rupert Harbour and associated shores as a traditional common area.

Not surprisingly, these maps do not identify the west side of Kaien Island with any particular group. In addition, 20th century political organizations and land claims statements have described the area as common for all Tsimshian. Oral history and archival documents confirm that Kitsumkalum people traditionally came to the coast to live at their settlements in order to gather their marine resources.

In this way, our ayaawx provides a profound understanding of land rights and land protection. It allows all Tsimshian people to use and occupy our traditional areas, but it vests unique rights and responsibilties with Houses for the care and control of specific sites. These two concepts are not contradictory — rather they work together and are essential to what it means to be Tsimshian.

While our ayaawx enhances the understanding of how Tsimshian used, occupied and owned our lands, the reserve creation process demonstrates a departure from this understanding. Far from Kitsumkalum not being entitled to reserves or not using or occupying these lands so as to justify their allotment, the lack of reserves can be attributed to the fact that Kitsumkalum was ill prepared by the Indian Agent for the process and as such, not aware that the process enabled them to secure more lands.

In addition, the gap between the process and Tsimshian law and culture led to a situation where Kitsumkalum resisted reserves in general and specifically did not request reserves on the coast. Our research has discovered that Kitsumkalum did not want to participate in the reserve creation process.

Kitsumkalum Chiefs were very vocal in advising the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs that they did not want reserves; rather, they wished for their land to be held in accordance with traditional Tsimshian law. The Chiefs spoke of losing lands as a result of the reserve system, demonstrating that they were not adequately prepared for the process.

This is documented in transcripts of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs, and provides useful insight into the question of why, in the records, Kitsumkalum may not have formally requested any sites in and around the Prince Rupert Harbour and surrounding coast to be set aside as reserve land.

Addressing the Royal Commission in Port Essington, Kitsumkalum Chief Charles Nelson stated that his people wished for the removal of the reserves, and for each family to hold title to their own land:. In this same meeting, Mr. In Tsimshian law, a chief would only be knowledgeable about his own lineage and House, and its associated territory.

Echoing the dissatisfaction with reserves, and suggesting the community was ill-prepared for the process, Kitsumkalum member Benjamin Bennett said the following to the Chairman of the Commission at Port Essington:.

We are placed on the smallest piece of ground at Kitsumkalum — if we were to divide the piece of land on which we are now living, it would not make ten acres to one person. This information demonstrates first that Kitsumkalum resisted the reserve process. It is reasonable that having already lost lands, and been placed on small pieces of lands as a result of the reserve process, we were wary to request further sites in fear that we would end up losing more of our territory.

Therefore, Chiefs would not necessarily speak for areas for which they or their family did not have a direct interest in. Between this shift and being ill-prepared, Kitsumkalum did not have the opportunity to request their coastal sites to be set aside as reserve lands. The Tsimshian Nation exclusively occupied the Prince Rupert Harbour and surrounding coast as of Prince Rupert Harbour and the shorelines enclosing it were common areas for the Tsimshian to use, and the use of resources from these areas has been integral to our culture since first contact with Europeans.

As stated above, Tsimshian law, ayaawx, provides for the recognition of common areas and allows social groups to claim exclusive use of specific residential areas along the shore. Being a part of the collective that occupied the coast, Kitsumkalum shares ownership of these common areas, but also asserts exclusive ownership or title to certain sites within these common grounds. Kitsumkalum has always valued our sea food and coastal territory as much as our other Tsimshian relatives.

We exercise our aboriginal rights to fish and harvest seafoods as we have done for generations, and continue to utilize our territory for hunting, trapping, gathering, and for engaging in cultural and spiritual activities.

We remain an important piece of the Tsimshian Nation and continue to use, gather from, and occupy the Prince Rupert Harbour and surrounding coast. Living oral history is available from several elderly community members living today as well as from recently deceased community members recorded as long ago as the s. What follows is not a complete inventory of the entirety of our archival or traditional use information, and further research is underway.

It is provided in this form in order to give sufficient information to strongly ground our title and rights on the coast:. Kitsumkalum has, since prior to contact with Europeans and continuously through today, relied upon our territory and rich marine resources of the coast for food, social, ceremonial and economic purposes. The Channel on the opposite side of opposite side of Granville Channel. Numerous marine species are harvested during the seasonal round within our traditional areas and with techniques that have been passed down from generation to generation.

Casey Point served as a home base that connected Kitsumkalum to our coastal sites and sea resources. In a Traditional Use Study, it was recorded that cedar bark, high bush cranberries, and other berries were harvested in and around Casey Point. From here, Kitsumkalum members would travel to their marine and coastal sites to winter and harvest sea food resources. Edye Pass is where we harvest abalone, seaweed, yeans, china slipper, scallops, sea cucumbers, sea urchins, clams, cockles, octopus, halibut, cod and crabs.

Yeans are sea prunes which we consider a delicacy. We steam them, peel off the cells and spine, and dip them in oolichan grease. Lax Spa Suunt Arthur Island serves as a major food resource site for fish eggs beginning in the spring, clams in January and February, as well as, seaweed and halibut. Elders recall staying at the cabins on Lax Spa Suunt for months while they harvested sea food resources.

Today, it remains an important camping and resource harvesting site for Kitsumkalum. Mud Bay traditionally served as an important resource site for deer, geese, ducks, sea lions, seals, shrimp, crabs, prawns, halibut, cod, and spring salmon. Today its sea food resources are still harvested, particularly crabs.

Spa Xksuutks Port Essington , at the mouth of the Ecstall river is an important commercial fishery site. Today, Spa Xksuutks is sacred ground, as many of our people, elders, and chiefs are buried there. Other rights we exercise that are integral to our culture in the Prince Rupert Harbour area and surrounding coast include hunting, gathering foods and medicines, and engaging in spiritual activities.

Details of the exercise of some of these rights are discussed below with the associated sites. The coast is a crucial and significant part of Kitsumkalum Tsimshian tradition and culture.

Harvesting from our coastal sites has always provided significant subsistence for our community. We continue to exercise our aboriginal rights within and around the Prince Rupert Harbour area and larger coast today, and rely on this subsistence to feed our community and for cultural activities such as feasts and teaching our youth. It also provides us with an economy that is much needed by our people.

The Tsimshian Nation exclusively occupied the Prince Rupert Harbour area and surrounding coast as of It follows, that Kitsumkalum, as Tsimshian, holds shared exclusive title with all other Tsimshian bands to the Prince Rupert Harbour area and surrounding coast. As detailed above, Tsimshian law, ayaawx , provides for the recognition of common areas and allows social groups to claim exclusive ownership of specific residential areas along the shore. The Tsimshian enjoy shared exclusive title to the Prince Rupert Harbour area and surrounding coast, meaning each Tsimshian Nation are equally stewards of the land and hold a collective responsibility for care and control of the Harbour area and coast.

However, at the same time each Tsimshian Nation holds exclusive title to specific settlement sites within the larger Tsimshian common grounds the harbour area and coast.

Casey Point is located on the west coast of Kaien Island. Kaien Island has been well documented as Tsimshian common ground. Kitsumkalum asserts shared exclusive title to Kaien Island, and exclusive title to our settlement at Casey Point in accordance with the ayaawk. Kitsumkalum also asserts exclusive title to a settlement located nearby Casey Point, at Barrett Rock. Casey Point served as a settlement and resource area, and has great cultural importance to Kitsumkalum. Kitsumkalum has on record over ten elder members who speak to their use and occupation of Casey Point, as well as oral evidence from long deceased elders dating as far back as Louis told him they used to live at Casey Point and that it belonged to Kitsumkalum.

His uncle told him:. All in that area of Casey Point. That land belongs to us. Otherwise I would have known a lot more history.

The late Eddie Feak was a respected Tsimshian historian who was closely related to families in Kitsumkalum. This name appears in archival records from the beginning of the 20th century as Alfred Wiidildal. During a interview, Eddie said Alfred Wiidildal, who was a chief of Kitsumkalum and whose last name is taken from the important Kitsumkalum Gisbutwada title that the man lived on the flats a mile and a half from Prince Rupert, which is approximately where Casey Point lays:.

Almost right across Rupert. On that flat, where he had it. Where he had his home. On the side that, see that hill coming down, that mountain.

Right below it. One village. You can go up there and see it. A sketch made by S. Tuck in his surveyor field notebook [34] may actually map the location of the cabin and its garden. Tuck surveyed the area in and recorded sites with active gardening including one just north of the Fairview Container Port development.

Describing this boundary, a Kitsumkalum member drew it in relation to the railroad tracks:. He described in his own words, what his father told him when they were off shore from Casey Point in a fishing boat:. He said stop right here and then he got out and he checked and he was standing on the [deck of the boat pointing to the ]bank, he said you see the way that the shore goes in on… the point, its kinda a round point.

But it goes, the shore line kinda goes in an angle, he said you follow that angle in… that was the boundary that was understood by the tribes. There was Kalum then there. This territorial marker system which identifies the boundaries of Casey Point demonstrates Casey Point as a specific site over which Kitsumkalum retainedexclusive control.

This territorial marker system is still known to Kitsumkalum members today. It was recently described on site to government and treaty commission officials when Kitsumkalum took them on a land tour in May of However, in wintertime, ice and weather conditions made it dangerous to travel to other residences, including those directly associated with the Skeena River such as Spa Xksuutks Port Essington. At the start of the Norman Campaign — just one of four campaigns available in Age of Empires IV — William of Normandy sets forth on the hard-fought road to conquer England and become its new king.

Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Toronto: NC Press pp. Further reading.